Robert was the only son of Hugues Capet [est nobis unicus filius et ipse rex Gerbert 139 (#111), letter written for Hugues aft. December 987, probably in January 988]. He was elected associate king at his fathers behest in December 987 [Eodem anno hugo rex francorum est eleuatus nouiomi qui secum Rotbertum filius suum regem aurelianis eleuat, Ann. Fleury 219, s.a. 987], and ruled alone from the death of Hugues in October 996 [Dux Francorum Hugo infulas regni adeptus, cum filio per decem continuos annos eis potitus est; moriens autem, Rotberto filio monarchiam sui reliquit principatus, Mirac. Bened. iii, 8 (148), written 1005 by Aimoin of Fleury]. His long reign brought about the recognition of the Capetian familys status as the third royal dynasty of the West Franks [Ita Francorum regum secunda deficiente linea, regnum in tertiam translatum est, Mirac. Genulf. 1213, written ca. 1035×1055]. Robert associated two heirs successively in the kingship before leaving the throne to his eldest surviving son and the duchy of Burgundy to a younger son [MXVII rotbertus rex filium suum hugonem consortem regni facit apud conpendium...MXXV hugo rex moritur, Ann. Fleury 220; Eo [Hugone] autem mortuo, previdens casus miserabiles huius vitae varios pater inclitus Rotbertus, alium sibi consortem efficit regni, Heinricum nomine, qui non eodem quo frater obiit, sed 1028 [sic] incarnationis dominicae anno Remis civitate solio exaltatur regio Ado. Chron. Contin. II; Robertus...unum filiorum suorum...in Regnum Franciæ, alium...in Ducatum Burgundiæ sublimavit, Vit. Garner. 382, written after 1050.]
Date of Birth: Unknown, between 970 and 974 (see
Commentary)
Place of Birth
& Baptism: Orléans
[Hunc
denique locum, Aurelianensem scilicet sedem, specialius semper
dilexit, quia, in ea natus, adolevit et post regeneratus ex aqua
et Spiritu Sancto, Helgaud 86, written ca. 1038.]
Date of Death: 20 July 1031 (see Commentary)
[XIII kal.
[augusti]...Rotbertus, venerande memorie humillimus Francorum
rex, Obit. S.-Denis 322; XIII. kal. aug. Ob.
Rotbertus rex, Lot (1911) 268, obituary of
Saint-Riquier abbey; ad Deum transiit anno, qui est
Incarnationis dominicae Mus XXXmus
IIdus, Helgaud 102; Obdormivit...in
Domino XIII kalendas augusti, lucescente aurora diei tertie
sabbati, ibid. 134; Anno Domini 1031. obiit
Robertus rex, Hist. Franc. Senon. 369.]
Place of Death: Melun
[Obdormivit...Miliduno
castro, Helgaud 134.]
Place of Burial: Abbey of Saint-Denis (see Commentary)
[Parisius deportatus, apud
Sanctum Dionisium juxta patrem suum sepelitur ante altare sancte
Trinitatis, Helgaud 1346.]
Father: Hugues Capet,
king of France
[ego Hugo, Francorum
dux et marchio
Signum Hugonis ducis
Signum Rotberti
filii ejus, Cart. Ste.-Croix dOrléans 124, (#63,
dated 975); ego Hugo atque Robertus filius meus,
propitiante Deo, imperii Francorum sceptris potiti,
Dipl. Hug. Capet 560 (#10, dated 15 September 991); rex
Francorum Rotbertus, origine natus nobilissima, patre illustri
Hugone, Helgaud 58; Hugo rex cognomento
Capez...Cui successit Robertus, filius eius, Hist. Reg.
Franc. 403.]
Mother: Adélaïde
(see Commentary on her page)
[Ego in Dei nomine
Robertus gratia Dei Francorum Rex
per deprecationem
gloriosæ genitricis meæ Adelaïdis Reginæ
cum Parisius
regnante Roberto Rege adolescentulo in anno secundo cum gloriosa
matre sua Adelaide Regina. S. Roberti Regis. S. Adelaïdis
Reginæ, Dipl. Robert. 574 (#2), written 997×998.]
Spouses:
m. (1) probably 989×990, divorced ca. 991×993
Rozala alias
Susanna, b. ca. 945×955, d.
probably 13 December 1003 (see Commentary on her page), widow of Arnulf II, count of
Flanders, daughter of Berengario
II, king of Italy & Willa
of Tuscany
[Rozala filia...Berengarii
regis Italiae, quae post mortem Arnulfi principis Roberto regi
Francorum nupsit, et Susanna dicta mutato nomine, regina regnavit,
Vit. Bertulf. 638, written 1073.]
m. (2) probably November×December 996 (aft. 25
October 996×bef. February 997), probably divorced by ca. May
1004 (see Commentary) Berta, b. ca. 965, d. 16×17 January
aft. 1010, widow of Odo
I, count of Blois, daughter
of Conrad the Peaceable, king of Burgundy & Matilda, a Carolingian princess
[{Berta} O(donis) uxor suarum {r}erum defensorem atque
advocatum Rotbertum regem accepit
Rotbertus rex patri
succedens, suorum consilio Bertam duxit uxorem, Richer
3078; Hic [Lothair IV] Malthildem sororem
suam despondit Conrado regi Burgundiae
De hac Mattilde
genitus est Rodulfus rex Burgundiae, qui post patrem suum
Conradum suscepit Burgundiae regnum, Berta etiam quam accepit Odo
Tetbaldi Cartonensis filius, ex qua genuit Odonem, Hug.
Flav. Chron. 364, written ca. 1102; for her death on 16 January,
xvii kal. feb. Obiit Berta, mater Odonis comitis,
Obit. N.-D. de Chartres 152; on 17 January, XVI kal.
[februarii] Ob
Berta comitissa uxor Odonis comitis,
Obit. S.-Père de Chartres 181; she was living at the time of
Roberts journey to Rome in 1009×1010 seeking papal
permission to set aside Constance and take back Berta as his
wife, Rotbertus rex Romam peteret [1009], ut
Constantia regina una cum Hugone filio parvulo Tillo remaneret.
Quod ut Berta regina, dudum causa consanguinitatis a rege
repudiata, comperit, prosecuta est eum, sperans se, faventibus ad
hoc quibusdam aulicis regis, jussu apostolico restituram toro
regio, Odorannus 100; since we are not told of her
death in this context by a source written ca. 1032, presumably
Berta survived for some while afterwards.]
m. (3) perhaps ca. May 1004 (see Commentary) Constance, b. ca. 985×990, d. 22 July 1034 (see Commentary on
her page), daughter of Guillaume I (or II), count of Provence (Arles) & Adélaïde (alias Blanche)
of Anjou
[Hic rex...Duxit autem uxorem Constantiam, filiam
Guillelmi comitis Arelatensis, natam de Blanca, sorore Gaufridi
comitis Andegavensis, Hug. Fleury Hist. 385; regina
Constancia, comitis Provincie filia Hist. Reg. Franc.
403; Constantia, filia Adelaidis, cui prenomen erat
Candida (the White, i.e. Blanche), Ado.
Chron. Contin. II. Raoul Glaber mistakenly called her a daughter
of William of Aquitaine, Accepit autem supradictus
rex
Constantiam, inclitam reginam, filiam uidelicet prioris
Willelmi Aquitanię ducis, ex qua etiam suscepit filios
quattuor et filias duas, Glaber 106.]
Children:
most probably daughter by third wife:
Advisa, also mistakenly
called Adélaïde, b. perhaps bef. November 1005 (see
Commentary for her parentage and date of birth), d. aft. 4 March
1063, m. Renaud I, count of Nevers & Auxerre
[ego Rainaldus,
gratia Dei comes
pro remedio animę meę
et anima patris mei Landrici et matris meę Matildis et
uxoris meę Advisę
S. Rainaldi, comitis
et uxoris ejus Advise, hac filii eorum Wilelmi, Cart.
Cluny 4:14 (#2811, undated charter written 1028×1040, probably
1030×1034); Rainaldus, comes eiusdem ciuitatis
[Autisiodorensis], Landrici comitis filius, qui filiam Roberti
regis duxerat uxorem, Glaber 212. She was living on 4
March 1063 [ego Wilelmus comes
per
laudationem
matris meæ
Actum est civitate Niverni, III
nonas martis, indictione XV, anno ab incarnatione Domini
millesimo sexagesimo tertio, Cart. Cluny 4:4901
(#3388).]
by third wife:
Hugues (II) Magnus, b. 1006×bef. 9
June 1007, d. 28 August 1025, associate king
[Hic rex...Duxit
autem uxorem Constantiam
ex qua genuit 4 filios, Hugonem qui
cognominatus est Magnus, Henricum, Robertum, Odonem. Ex his
Hugonem Compendii coronari fecit in regem adhuc vivens; qui patri
accessit in regnum, non successit, quia adhuc vivente patre
iuvenis defunctus est, Hug. Fleury Hist. 385; MXVII
rotbertus rex filium suum hugonem consortem regni facit apud
conpendium...MXXV hugo rex moritur, Ann. Fleury 220;
inclitos et precipuos habens filios, unum ex eis ad
regnum elegit Hugonem, et regni sui consortem efficit Compendio,
anno incarnationis dominicae 1017; et peracto octavo cum patre
imperii sui anno, moritur nono, hoc est 1025
obiit autem 5.
Kal. Septembris, Ado. Chron. Contin. II; V
kal. [septembris] Obiit Hugo juvenis, rex Francorum,
Obit. S.-Germain 270, 11th century addition. Hugues
was aged ten at the time of his coronation (on 9 June 1017) and
took his by-name Magnus from his great-grandfather,
Cumque de ipsius sacrando sublimio...Erat autem isdem
puer ferme decennis
ex cognomento proaui Magnus Hugo
dicebatur a cunctis, Glaber 1502.]
Henri I, b. probably bef. 17
May 1008 (see Commentary), d. 4 August 1060, king of France,
betrothed to Mathilde of Franconia; m. (1) her neptis Mathilde,
see Simonde 4:2645 and Dhondt (19645) 545,
perhaps of Frisia (Brunswick), see Vajay (1971), wrongly
crediting Dhondt for the discovery of her existence; m. (2) Anna
(also called Agnès) Iaroslavna of Kiev
[Rotbertus, gratia Dei,
Francorum rex
manu mea illam firmavi et conjunx mea
Constantia regina et filii mei Henricus et Rotbertus
Signum
Rotberti regis. Signum Constantię reginę,
conjugis ejus. Signum Henrici. Signum Rotberti, Cart.
N.-D. de Chartres 1:878 (#13, dated 4 February 1031);
Hic rex...Duxit autem uxorem Constantiam
ex qua
genuit 4 filios, Hugonem qui cognominatus est Magnus, Henricum,
Robertum, Odonem, Hug. Fleury Hist. 385; Rex
etenim Henricus, patre Roberto uiuente, Francorum regno potitus
tanto postmodum a matre Constantia nouercali odio est affectus,
GND vi, 7 (2:54); pridie nonas augusti, die qua mortuus
est Hainricus rex Franciæ, Cart. S.-Père de Chartres
1:153; II nonas [augusti]...Henricus rex,
Obit. S.-Denis 323; II. non. aug. Henricus rex,
Lot (1911) 268, obituary of Saint-Riquier abbey; In hoc
anno Henricus rex obiit, Rotberti regis filius, 2. Non. Augusti,
Ann. Nevers 90 (s.a. 1060); Obiit Henricus rex Francorum,
Ann. S.-Germain 168 (s.a. 1060); Anno Domini
MXXXIIII
Eo tempore filia imperatoris Chuonradi et Giselae
imperatricis Mahthilda, nimiae formositatis puella, Heinrico regi
francorum desponsata, obiit Wormaciae ibique sepulta est,
Wipo 51; MXXXIV Dom. Incarn
Rex Henricus neptem
Henrici Alamaniæ Imperatoris duxit in uxorem, Aimoin
Hist. Contin. 276; anno Dominicæ Incarnationis
millesimo quadragesimo quarto
Quo siquidem anno, Mahildis
regina Parisiis obiit, quam ex Cæsarum progenie matrimonio sibi
adsciverat præfatus rex; susceptaque regia ex ea prole, hominem
decessit, monasterio Sancti Dionysii tradita sepulturæ,
Mirac. Bened. vii, 3 (252), written in the mid-11th
century by André of Fleury; Anno MXLIV incarnati
Verbi...Quo anno Mahildis Regina obiit
Qui [Henricus
rex] post Mahildis Reginae humationem, accepit aliam conjugem,
videlicet filiam Juriscloht Regis Russorum, nomine Annam; quae ei
genuit tres filios, Philippum, Hugonem, Rotbertum,
Hist. Franc. Fragm. 161; Heinricus Francorum rex uxorem
duxit Scithicam et Rufam, Annal. Vendôme 62 (s.a.
1051); S. Agnę reginę,
Actes de Philippe 14 (#4, subscription to undated charter of her
son King Philippe I); dominorum nostrorum piisimorum
regum, Philippi scilicet et matris ejus, Agnetis, animarum
redemptionem, ibid. 20 (#6, charter of Agobert, bishop
of Chartres, confirmed by Philippe on 25 November 1060); S.
Anna regina, Cart. S.-Benoît 1:197 (#75, subscription
to charter dated 26 January 1065).]
Robert I, b. ca. 1010×1015, d.
18 or 21 March 1075, duke of Burgundy; m. (1) Hélie
(also called Petronilla) of Semur-en-Brionnais; m. (2) Ermengarde
of Anjou
[Rotbertus, gratia
Dei, Francorum rex
manu mea illam firmavi et conjunx mea
Constantia regina et filii mei Henricus et Rotbertus,
Cart. N.-D. de Chartres 1:878 (#13, dated 4 February 1031);
Hic rex...Duxit autem uxorem Constantiam
ex qua
genuit 4 filios, Hugonem qui cognominatus est Magnus, Henricum,
Robertum, Odonem, Hug. Fleury Hist. 385; ego
Robertus...post obitum patris mei Roberti regis Francorum
Burgundię regnum ejus destinatione ducis auctoritate
adeptus, Cart. S.-Germain 96 (#59, dated 1053); Obiit
Robertus dux Burgundie, MLXXV Obiit Rotbertus
dux Burgundie, Ann. Vézelay 223; Ann. S.-Bénigne 42,
codex 1 (s.a. 1075) NB Petit 1:185 (followed by others
including Kerrebrouck 554) wrongly placed his death in 1076,
evidently assuming that Easter style was in use or else that the
beginning of the year was adjusted to Annuniciation style by the
early 13th-century compiler of the extant copy of the
Saint-Bénigne annals for this period; however, although the
dating is sometimes inaccurate (for instance, Pope Alexander
IIs death is placed a decade too early and the Norman
conquest of England is recorded under 1064) the intrusion by
Guibert of Ravenna as anti-pope which began in June 1080 and the
death of the German anti-king Rudolf of Rheinfelden which
occurred in October 1080 are placed following events of January
and February in the same year (erroneously given as 1078); for
his death on 18 March XV kal. aprilis, obiit Robertus,
dux Burgundie, Obit. Molême 386, compiled in the 13th
century; for 21 March Hoc totum concedo ut anniversarius
agatur Ducis Roberti qui celebratur XIIo.
kal. Aprilis, Plancher 1:xxxii (Preuves #43, charter of
Eudes I, duke of Burgundy, dated 11 April 1093); apparently
XII was misread as XV by the later
copyist at Molême, although Vajay (1962) 167 suggested that
Robert died on 18 and was buried on 21 March, hardly a convincing
reason for his grandson to subsidise his anniversary on the
latter date NB the correct date was probably Saturday 21
March 1075, but Petit 1:185 gave this as samedi 21 mars
1076 and in note 3 printed it as XII Kal.
Aprilis, while ibid 231 note 2 he gave it as XIII
Kal. Aprilis (samedi 20 mars 1075 (1076) [sic]: apart from
the inconsistent Roman numerals, Saturday is wrong in both cases
since 20 March fell on a Friday in 1075 and 21 March on a Monday
in 1076; ego Robertus, dux Burgundionum
Signum
Roberti ducis
Signum Ilię, uxoris ejus,
Cart. Cluny 4:14950 (#2949, undated charter written ca.
1040) she was a sister of Hugues of Semur, abbot of
Cluny, Defuncto autem patre suo, quem dux Burgundiæ
gener ejus propria manu peremerat, Hildeb. Vit. Hug.
882; Pater quoque ejus ferro Ducis Burgondie, qui
sororem ejus habebat conjugem, peremtus etiam spatium penitentie
perdiderat; pro quo pijssimus Hugo ita se studuit mactare,
Gilo Vit. Hug. 604; Hila, cognomine Petronilla,
venerabilis memorie, uxor ducis, Obit. N.-D. de Beaune
336; Robertus, dux Burgundie, et Ermengardis, uxor ejus,
Obit. Molême 386, cf. a genealogy drawn up in Angers before
1109 showing Ermengarde as daughter of Fulco (Foulques III
Nerra of Anjou) and describing her daughter Hildegarde as filia
Roberti ducis fratris Henrici regis, Geneal. Com.
Andegav. 247 (#1).]
Adèle, b. ca. 1010×1015, d. 8 January 1079, m. Baldwin V, count of Flanders
Eudes, d. 15 May in or aft.
1054 (see Commentary)
[Hic rex...Duxit
autem uxorem Constantiam
ex qua genuit 4 filios, Hugonem qui
cognominatus est Magnus, Henricum, Robertum, Odonem,
Hug. Fleury Hist. 385; S. Ainrici regis
.S. Odonis,
fratris regis, Cart. S.-Thomas 4 (#1, subscriptions to
undated foundation charter written 11 Apr 1052×Jul 1053); Odo
quoque, regis Francorum Henrici germanus, Cart.
Marmoutier (Perche) 14 (#5, undated foundation charter of
Saint-Martin-du-Vieux-Bellême priory); victoriossimi
regis Henrici frater nomine Odo
Isti autem asisterunt de
ordine laicorum: Imprimis Odo, memorati regis frater atque
fidelis nuncius, Haimo 3745, relating the
translation of relics in 1052; idus [maii]...Odo,
Roberti regis filius, Obit. S.-Denis 317; rex
Henricus duobus hostium agminibus Normanniam est agressus, unum
quidem electe nobilitatis uirorum fortium ad Caltiuum
subuertendum territorium dirigens, cui suum prefecit fratrem
nomine Odonem
Venientes quoque Normanni ad Francos,
reppererunt eos apud Mare Mortuum in incendiis et mulierum
ludibriis occupatos. Cum quibus illico mane commissum bellum in
continua cede occumbentium adusque nonam ab utrisque est
protractum. Nouissime quippe Franci uicti terga dederunt
Normannis cum signifero eorum Odone fratre uidelicet regis
[interpolation
by Orderic] Hec pugna anno Dominice incarnationis .m.l.iiii.,
GND vii, 10 (2:1424) the battle at Mortemer in
February 1054 is the last dated occurrence of Eudes, which
Pfister 177 erroneously placed in 1059; according to Kerrebrouck
58 he died aft. 1056 but no authority was cited for this.]
Doubtfully attributed children:
by second wife:
Name unknown (see Commentary)
[Nam Robertus
Gallorum rex...qui in paterni iuris sceptra successit, propinquam
sibi copulavit uxorem, ex qua suscepit filium, anserinum per
omnia collum et caput habentum. Quos etiam virum scilicet et
uxorem, omnes fere Galliarum episcopi communi simul excommicavere
sententia
His tandem rex coartatus angustiis ad sanum
consilium rediens divortit incestum, init legale connubium,
Damiani 4:132 (#102), letter to the abbot and monks of
Montecassino written aft. February 1064.]
by third wife:
Constance, d. bef. 9 August 1059, wife of Manassès,
count of Dammartin (see Commentary)
[Ego Odo filius
comitis Manassae, annuente fratre meo Hugone ac sorore nostra
Eustachia...pro patre nostro Manasse et pro nostra matre
Constantia
V idus augusti, in palatio Meleduni castri,
præsente domno nostro rege Hainrici, manibus propriis
corroboravimus
S. Odonis comitis, qui hanc donationem fecit.
S. Hugonis comitis, fratris Odonis. S. Eustachiæ, sororis
amborum comitum, Cart. S.-Père de Chartres 1:154
(memorial donation dated at Melun 9 August in the presence of
King Henri I, probably ca. 1050 and certainly bef. 1060 when
Henri died on 4 August).]
Falsely attributed children:
Rudolf, allegedly illegitimate
[A son named Raoul (Radulf or
Rudolf) is attributed by some secondary sources to Robert and an
anonymous concubine. The existence of this man is highly
improbable. Aubry de Troisfontaines stated under the year 1060
that he was archbishop of Bourges: sub eo [Pope Nicholas
II] autem floruit archiepiscopatus Radulfus Bituricensis, vir
sanctus, frater regis Francie Henrici. Qui papa exemit episcopum
Podiensem, dicto archiepiscopo contradicente et ad iudicium
divinum appellante, Aubry 792, followed by Brandenburg 82
(generation XI #246d) placing him as archbishop ca. 1069].
However, this see was held by Aimon of Bourbon from 1031 to 1071,
and his successors from then until 1120 were named Richard,
Audebert and Leger respectively (see Gams 523). Aubrys
account was apparently muddled with the intrusion of Étienne de
Polignac as bishop of Le Puy for which he was
excommunicated by Pope Gregory VII in 1075 and 1076 (see Gams 538
and 604), not by Nicholas II and also perhaps with Aimon
of Bourbons predecessor Gauzlin, archbishop of Bourges from
1014 until his death in 1029, who on very flimsy evidence is held
by some historians to have been an illegitimate son of Hugues
Capet (see Commentary on his page).]
Amaury I de Montfort.
[According to Orderic Vitalis, in a passage
probably written in the early 1130s, Amaurys father was
Guillaume of Hainaut, consultu Amalrici senioris
Monteforti filii Guillelmi Hanoensis, OV 4:74 (book
vii chapter 14). Amaury has been mistakenly called a son of King
Robert II following an altered text of the mid-12th
century continuation of Aimoin of Fleurys history, in
tempore regis Roberti Benia fuit de dominio Sancti Germani
[the last part of this line and the first part of the following
line, presumably stating that Robert gave Beynes to someone
(perhaps to Guillaume of Hainaut), have been erased]. Ipse
firmavit Montifortem et Sparnonium, quandam quoque dominam de
Novigento habuit uxorem, Rhein 27 quoting from
Bibliothèque nationale MS lat. 5925, fol. 165; the passage
continues, de qua unum filium habuit, nuncupatum
Almaricum. Idem Almaricus duos filios habuit, scilicet Simonem et
Almaricum, RHF 10:275. This text was distorted by
copying so that the sense falsely bridged the lacuna and ipse
was made to refer not to the actual husband of the dame of
Nogent, whose name had been deleted, but rather to Robert
himself, as in a later translation made at Saint-Denis, Cit
roi Robert ferma le chastel de Monfort et dEspernon. Une
dame de Nojent ot espousée; de cele ot un fil qui ot non
Amauris. Cil Amauris ot II fiuz, Symon et Amauri,
Grandes Chroniques 5:267.]
By-name:
Robert was acknowledged by contemporaries for his pious habits both in public duty and private conduct [Rotbertus...vir clare honestatis et magne pietatis, ornamentum clericorum, nutritor monachorum, pater pauperum, assiduus vere Dei cultor, in humilitate similis David regi, rex non tantum populorum sed etiam morum suorum, Adémar Chab. 154, written bef. 1034]. Piety was held by one notable observer to be the reason for his elevation to the throne [Dulce decus meus, Rodberte, quem atavis regibus editum divina pietas perduxit ad regni fastigium, Abbo 470]. However, the same epithet was routinely attributed to Frankish kings [for instance antecessores nostri piissimi Reges Francorum, Dipl. Hug. Capet 553 (#5, dated 4 June 988)]. Pious as a by-name was particularly ascribed to Charlemagnes successor, Louis I; there is little evidence of a deliberate attempt to ensure that the first Capetian heir matched him in this popular reputation only one charter prepared for Robert, towards the end of his reign, connected the quality of piety directly to him by his personal name rather than kingly title [Signum pii Rodberti Regis, Dipl. Robert. 604 (#33, dated 4 April 1030 or possibly 1021, see Newman 101 (#82) note 1) NB the transcription of this text may be faulty]. Nevertheless, he came to be celebrated for having earned this distinction, in mature years at least, by his very religious way of life [Et revera, cum mitis et corde mansuetus egregia semper habuerit sanctus rex suę mansuetudinis et pietatis insignia, ita ut adversariis suis frequenter ignoverit atque ab eorum nece abstinendum putaverit, non est mirum quod tam graviter doleat noxium sibi obrepsisse peccatum, Helgaud 96]. Mention of Roberts religious devotion became a common refrain in various contexts throughout the decades following his death [for instance comitis Balduini Adeleque uxoris ejus, regis francorum Rotberti scilicet religiosi viri filie, juste ac diuturne peticioni, Cart. Messines IV (#1 & #2, dated 28 May 1065)]. Apart from prayer and good works, he maintained a close interest in theology and Church affairs [divinis ac canonicis institutis clarissimus haberetur, liberalibus studiis incomberet, episcoporum etiam sinodis interesset, et cum eis causas ęcclesiasticas discuteret ac determinaret, Richer 241]. Since at least the thirteenth century he has also been wrongly credited as the author of around twenty hymns and other liturgical texts, a few of which were in use until the twentieth century [printed in PL 141:columns 93946; Robertus Rex Francorum...vir vere piissimus et innumeris eleemosynis deditus. Hic fecit Sequentiam Sancti Spiritus: Adsit nobis gratia et R. Judaea et Jerusalem, et multa alia scripsit, Pseudo Godel. 2623, written in the late-12th century; for the misattribution see Pfister 35]. Piety was attributed to the king, apparently without irony, in a verse dialogue written by a cynical bishop [Pace tua, pie rex, Adalbero 4]. The epithet Pius was accorded to Robert, perhaps as a recognized by-name, soon after his death [Rotbertus rex Pius, qui fuit erga sanctos Dei supplex, benivolus et devotus et totius religionis amator egregius, Odorannus 100, written 1032×1045]. However, the precise term did not become fixed until much later: Père Anselme, writing late in the 17th century, called him Robert, Roy de France, dit le Devot, Anselme (1674) 70].
Date of Birth:
Roberts earliest biographer believed the king to be sixty years old at his death [sexagenarius, ut credimus, Helgaud 134], suggesting that he was born within the twelve months leading up to 20 July 971. This is the most direct evidence from a well-placed source, and may have been calculated from information shared by the king with his entourage if so it was probably accurate, since Roberts mother, who must have known the facts, had lived until he was an adult. However, the exact meaning of sexagenarius in this context has been interpreted differently: Lewis 230 note 28 considered that sexagenarius should not be understood literally, while Lot (1895) 156 had sought to establish 972 as the year of birth, determining this from a concordance between his understanding of Helgaud as meaning that the king was still in his sixtieth year at the time of death (aged fifty-nine and hence born within the year to 20 July 972) and a plausible chronology of several other events. Robert was said to be in his nineteenth year at the time of his first divorce, R(otbertus) rex, cum in XVIIII aetatis anno, iuventutis flore vernaret, Susannam uxorem genere Italicam, eo quod anus esset, facto divortio repudiavit, Richer 2901, but exactly when this took place depends on an uncertain order in the narrative and a possible but indeterminable synchronicity with events occurring in the spring and early summer of 992 recounted in the previous chapter. If Robert was then still aged 18 he would have been born after mid-973 but before the end of June 974, and therefore only fifty-seven or just turned fifty-eight rather than properly a sexagenarian when he died.
Date of Coronation:
Robert was crowned as associate king at Orléans late in December 987. According to Richer this was requested by Hugues Capet in order to ensure continuity of leadership through the dangers of a projected expedition against Muslim forces in Catalonia [Petebat itaque alterum regem creari, ut si bellico tumultu duorum alter decideret, de principe non diffideret exercitus, Richer 240]. Other contemporary sources attribute the decision instead, or as well, to the kings feeling his age (he was in his late forties at the time) [Habebat enim filium admodum prudentem, nomine Rotbertum, artium etiam litterarum studiis plurimum eruditem. Cumque se cognouisset iam aliquantulum uiribus defici, congregatis in Aureliana urbe regia quibusque Francorum ac Burgundionum regni primoribus, eundem Rotbertum, filium uidelicet suum, anno scilicet tertio decimo ante millesimum incarnati Saluatoris, adhuc se superstite, regem constituit, Glaber 50; Hugo...qui senectuti suæ et labori prospiciens, filium suum Robertum in Regem ungi, et secum regnare fecit, Vit. Garner. 382]. Whatever the motive, Christmas Day seems a likely choice of occasion as apparently recounted by Richer [Et quia tunc in navitate domini regnorum principes convenerant, ad celebrandum regię coronationis honorem, in basilica sanctę Crucis...Rotbertum Francis laudantibus accepta purpura [metropolitanus] sollempniter coronavit, Richer 2401]. However, 30 December is given as the date by another plausible source [Anno DCCCCLXXXVII...3 kl. januar. Rodbertus filius Hugonis...rex ordinatus est, Ann. S.-Denis 275], and perhaps Richer meant that Robert was crowned during the seasonal festivities, as suggested by Havet 2956, rather than actually on 25 December. But another indication favours Christmas Day itself: in 987 this fell on a Sunday and seven of the previous eight Frankish coronations of definitely known date had taken place on Sundays, see Bur (1985) 47. Hugues Capets decision to consecrate a second king was reportedly debated with the officiating archbishop, Adalbero of Rheims, one of his main supporters, who was probably acting as spokesman for magnates less favourably disposed than himself to the principle of hereditary rather than purely elective monarchy or to the foundation of a new dynasty the customary method of inaugurating Frankish kings was for the nobles to be first consulted on a nomination (designatio) before proceeding with their approval to a formal choice (electio), see Dhondt (1939) 936. It seems plausible that Hugues intended this process to be completed in time for a ceremony on 25 December, but that the objection voiced by Adalbero caused a delay between the two steps and held up the coronation from Sunday until the following Friday. The gist of this explanation is proposed in Bautier (1992) 35. Some modern scholars accept 30 December, while others prefer Christmas Day.
Year of Death:
Helgaud gave the year of Roberts death as the one thousand and thirty-second AD [ad Deum transiit anno, qui est Incarnationis dominicae Mus XXXmus IIdus, Helgaud 102], meaning 1031 notionally counted from zero rather than 1032 writers of his time often confused ordinal and cardinal numbers. A charter from Cluny ostensibly dated Roberts death to 17 July 1031 instead of three days later [in mense augusto, III idus ejusdem mensis, anno ab incarnatione Domini MXXXI...vicesimo V [sic] die post transsitum domni Rotberti gloriosi regis Francorum, Cart. Cluny 4:523 (#2852, dated 11 August 1031)]. However, this document contains several errorneous numerals, miscounting the length of two reigns, and depending on the angle of strokes XXII (for the twenty-second day after Roberts death, correct on 11 August) could easily have been misread and transcribed XXV by a copyist, perhaps accounting for the discrepancy in this instance. As is often the case in sources of his era, several near-contemporary records of Roberts death are inaccurate by a year or more [e.g. Hoc anno mortem obiit rex Francorum Rotbertus, regis Hugonis filius, Ann. Ste.-Colombe 206 (s.a. 1032)]; apart from the generally superior reliability of sources giving 1031, the correct year can be ascertained by the dating of many subsequent documents indirectly from Roberts death, since this marked the commencement of his successors personal reign forty-one acts subscribed by King Henri I are dated with both calendar and regnal year, and of these twenty-four are consistent with his succession on 20 July 1031 [Shnée #39, #45, #46, #49, #50 (although misdated in both respects by the editor, see Vercauteren 1989), #63, #65, #67, #69, #73, #81, #88, #91, #105, #106, #107, #109, #110, #112, #113, #118, #119, #120, #121]; a further eleven apparently indicate succession in 1030, but may be equally consistent with 1031 depending on which date was counted locally as the first of a calendar year (usually 25 December, 1 January, 1 March or Easter in different parts of France at that time), or if Henris second regnal year is counted as starting from the first day of the calendar year following his fathers death (a variant practice suggested by Pfister xliii) [Shnée #44, #60, #77, #79, #80, #99, #100, #101, #108, #114, #117]; one indicates succession in 1029 [Shnée #75]; three indicate 1032 [Shnée #47, #78, #92]; and two others indicate 1033 [Shnée #57, #125].
Place of Burial:
On 2 January 1264 Robert, his wife Constance and others were reburied in a new tomb close to their original burial site [Hoc anno translati sunt die Sancti Gregorii reges Odo, Hugo Capez, Robertus, Constancia eius uxor, Ann. S.-Denis 292 (s.a. 1263 Annunciation style)]. His remains were taken to the repository of the Petits Augustins in March 1793 after the desecration of other royal tombs and then buried again in Saint-Denis on 29 May 1817, see Erlande-Brandenburg 158.
Spouses:
In a letter to the Byzantine co-emperors Hugues Capet requested an imperial bride for his only son Robert, for whom he had not been able to arrange a suitable marriage because of affinity with neighbouring kings [quoniam est nobis unicus filius et ipse rex, nec ei parem in matrimonio aptare possumus propter affinitatem vicinorum regum, filiam sanctii imperii praecipuo affectu quaerimus, Gerbert 13940 (#111). The enquiry came to nothing and Hugues evidently fixed upon the next kings daughter to become available, when Countess Rozala of Flanders was widowed a year or so later. The date of Roberts short-lived and probably unconsummated marriage to her is not recorded in any known medieval source. Modern historians have usually indicated an unspecified time before 1 April 988 [e.g. Brandenburg 8 (generation VII #41b) and 123, Werner 469 (generation VII #52)], basing this on a dubious interpretation of the charter of that date in which she was named Susanna regina, Dipl. Belg. 1:176 (#71, see the Commentary on her page).
Roberts second marriage, to Berta of Burgundy, another kings daughter, took place shortly after the death of his father in October 996 [Rotbertus rex patri succedens, suorum consilio Bertam duxit uxorem, ea usus ratione, quod melius sit parvum aggredi malum, ut maximum evitetur, Richer 308; Nam Robertus Gallorum rex...qui in paterni iuris sceptra successit, propinquam sibi copulavit uxorem, Damiani 4:132 (#102)]. They were second cousins: Bertas maternal grandmother Gerberga was a sister of Roberts paternal grandmother Hedwig, both daughters of the German king Heinrich I the Fowler and his wife Mathilde of Ringelheim.
Guillot 1:24 note 124 maintained the traditional dating range of their marriage as between late-October 996 and May×June 997, noting that Halphen 2323 (Appendix IV, La date du mariage de la comtesse Berthe avec le roi Robert) had relied on a forged charter of Bourgeuil abbey, in which Berta occurs with the title of countess, to establish that she was not yet a queen early in 997. A different copy of the same document was dated 996 [anno Incarnationis dominicæ DCCCCXCVI, indictione IX, regnante Hugone piissimo rege anno nono, Lex 131 (Pièces justificatives #6)]; the version preferred by Halphen was dated 997 but nonetheless subtracted a year from the regnal count [anno incarnationis dominicę DCCCCXCVII, indictione VIIII, regnante Hugone piissimo rege anno VIII, Halphen 232].
However, Robert and Berta must have been married before a decree against their union was issued by Pope Gregory V at the synod of Pavia [Decretum est etiam, ut rex Robbertus [sic], qui consanguineam suam contra interdictionem apostolicam in coniugium duxit, ad satisfactionem convocetur cum episcopis his nuptiis incestis consentientibus. Si autem renuerint, communione priventur. Constit. 1:537 (#381).] This synod took place in early February 997, evidently before Gregory in northern Italy had received news of the election in Rome during the same month of the anti-pope John XVI (see Körtum 646), and not at Pentecost in May as sometimes stated. Gerbert, then at the imperial court in Germany, had received subsequent news from Rheims by the time he wrote to Roberts mother probably in the spring of 997 [quia Leo Romanus abba, ut absolvatur, obtinuit, ob confirmandum senioris mei regis Rot.[berti] novum coniugium, ut michi a Remensibus per litteras significatum est Gerbert 211 (#181]. Since Berta was evidently remarried within twelve months of her first husbands death on 12 March 996 it is reasonable to assume that the couple were anxious to marry as soon as possible after Hugues Capet could no longer object, probably in November×December 996.
A charter mentioning Berta as Roberts wife [intervenientibus dilectis nostris, videlicet dulcissima genitrice nostra Adelaide, atque conjuge nostra Berta Dipl. Robert. 574 (#3)] is dated 19 April in the first year of his reign in a fragment that may be from, or contemporary with, the original [Data XIII kalendas Maii, indictione XIa, anno primo regnante Rodberto gloriosissimo rege Newman 10] and 19 April 998 in the tenth (but correctly the eleventh) year in a copy made before 1058 [Data XIII Kal. Maii, Indictione XI, anno X regnante Roberto Rege glorioso anno Incarnati Verbi DCCCCXCVIII Dipl. Robert. 575 (#3)]. However, Roberts regnal years were usually counted from his coronation in 987 rather than his fathers death in 996; the indiction XI given in both versions matches 998 [Pfister xliii and #14].
Robert resisted the papal demand for his submission. His recalcitrance was discussed by a council held at St Peters, Rome, in the winter 998×999, attended by the young Emperor Otto III, resulting in stronger language [Ut rex Robertus consanguineam suam Bertam, quam contra leges in uxorem duxit, derelinquat et septem annorum poenitentiam agat secundum praefixos ecclesiasticos gradus, iudicatum est. Quod si non fecit, anathema sit. Idemque de eadem Berta fieri praeceptum est, Constit. 1:51 (#24)]. In this context it is notable that Bertas childless brother ruled Burgundy as practically a German puppet: her son Eudes, by her first husband, later unsuccessfully pursued a claim to the kingdom [Erat...Odo natus ex filia Chuonradi regis...Berta nomine...Et quoniam regi Rodulfo, auunculo scilicet eius, non erat proles ulla que foret regni heres, presumpsit ipso uiuente ui potius quam amore regni abenas preripere Glaber 160]. A son of hers by Robert might have had a better opportunity than Eudes to realise such a claim, with the only rivals coming from various German marriages of her sisters. Considering also that the pope was a son of the emperors cousin Otto of Carinthia and that his brother Konrad was perhaps already betrothed to one of Bertas nieces whom he was to marry shortly afterwards, family politics may have reinforced opposition in principle to Roberts marriage.
It is not certain when Robert and Berta agreed to part. She was still titled queen in her undated charter which must have been written between 24 August 1003 (after which date her son Thibaut was appointed a bishop by Robert) and ca. May 1004 (when he departed for Rome to seek a dispensation for this), probably by December 1003, see Merlet 89 [ego Berta nutu omnipotentis Dei regina, cum filiis meis Tetbaldo gratia Dei episcopo, nec non Odoni comitis, Cart. Marmoutier (Blois) 10 (#5)]. However, the royal title does not necessarily mean that she was still cohabiting with Robert as assumed by Dhondt (19645) 47. Berta was also called queen in a false bull of Pope John XVII for Saint-Florent de Saumur ostensibly written in April 1004 and relied upon as genuine by Lot (1903) 127 note 2 [faventes precibus domnae Bertae reginae ac filiorum ejus, Teutbaldi atque Odonis, nostra apostolica auctoritate in perpetuum confirmamus Hist. S.-Florent 255 the pope would of course never have accepted a request from Berta and recognised her as queen in granting it, since she was excommunicated while married to Robert and using the royal title]. Despite its inauthenticity this text may have been based on some knowledge of her standing at the time: presumably Thibaut would not have waited for nine months since the end of August 1003 and then have taken the trouble of leaving for Rome when he did unless he was confident by then that a request stemming from his appointment as bishop of Chartres by Robert might be favourably received, so that the king and Berta were probably reconciled to the Church before he undertook his journey. In light of this, the divorce was very likely agreed and put into effect by ca. May 1004.
There is no certain evidence for the date of Roberts marriage to his third wife, Constance of Arles. She last occurs in a securely dated document from Provence with her mother and brother in a charter for Montmajour dated in August 1001 [in mense Augusto Indictione XIV, signum Adalax Comitissæ et filii sui Willelmi Comitis et filiæ suæ Constantiæ, qui hanc Chartam facere jusserunt, quoted in RHF 10:569] and she does not occur with them in a charter dated 1005 [Cart. S-.Victor 1:21 (#15)]. Since her daughter Advisa was evidently born before November 1005 (see below) it is reasonable to assume that Constance was married to Robert by the winter of 1004×1005.
Children:
Advisa was almost certainly born to Robert and Constance, very probably their first child. She was named twice in a charter as wife of Renaud, count of Nevers, and mother of his heir [Cart. Cluny 4:14 (#2811), quoted above]; Renaud was described as frater eius, evidently meaning brother-in-law, in subscribing an undated charter of Robert I, duke of Burgundy, for Saint-Bénigne de Dijon written 1034×1039 [ego ROTBERTUS, Burgundionum dux, ROTBERTI Fr{anc}orum {regis} filius...S Rotberti ducis...[subscriptions of three bishops]...{S R}ai{naldi Autisiodorensis comitis et fratris ejus}, Cart. S-Bénigne 2:967, no. 315 NB the words enclosed in curly brackets were printed by Duchesne, preuves 6, but were either illegible or not present in the damaged fragments of the original charter when transcribed by the editors of Cart. S-Bénigne]. The name Adélaïde is sometimes given to her in modern sources, relying on a muddled entry in annals compiled more than a century after her death [MXXXI Obiit Rotbertus rex qui genuit Henricum regem et Rotbertum ducem Burgundie et Hugonem episcopum comitemque Altisiodori atque Adalaidem Renaldi comitis Nivernis uxorem, Ann. Vézelay 220 (s.a. 1031), written by ca. 1199]. However, Roberts son Hugues was the associate king (see above) and not the count-bishop of Auxerre as stated here: he has evidently been confused with a different Hugues who was count of Chalon and bishop of Auxerre (died 1039); and Advisas name is similarly confused, almost certainly with that of Adélaïde of Normandy whose husband was another Renaud, count palatine of Burgundy (died 1057). Some scholars consider that the filiation of Advisa was also mistaken by the compiler, probably taking the information from Glabers statement that she was King Roberts daughter [Rainaldus, comes eiusdem ciuitatis [Autisiodorensis], Landrici comitis filius, qui filiam Roberti regis duxerat uxorem, Glaber 212]: earlier in the same annals she is described as his sister instead [Rotbertus rex Altisiodorum obsedit et dedit cum sorore Renaldo filio Landrici comitis Nivernis, Ann. Vézelay 218 (s.a. 1002)]. The siege unreliably ascribed here to 1002 is probably confused with events of November 1005, see Jessee 1112, while the relationship as sister to Robert may be derived from another late source written around forty years before [Landricus primus huius generis comes Nivernis factus...Habuitque filium nomine Renaldum, qui coniunctus matrimonio sorori regis Rotberti filii Hugonis Capitonis comitatum Autisiodori coniunxit comitatui Nivernis, Hist. Nevers 238, written ca. 1160]. Bouchard (1987) 3434 relied on shaky chronology in preferring these later sources to Glaber, who, as explained by Jessee 910, was well placed to know the facts about Advisa despite his error about her maternal grandfather [Accepit autem supradictus rex Constantiam, inclitam reginam, filiam uidelicet prioris Willelmi Aquitanię ducis, ex qua etiam suscepit filios quattuor et filias duas, Glaber 106 NB apart from Advisa there is no other good candidate for the second daughter of Constance]. Bouchard ignored the possibility that the two contemporary counts named Renaud already mentioned, of Nevers and Burgundy, have been confused too: the latters wife Adélaïde was a sister of Duke Robert I of Normandy rather than of King Robert II of France. Bouchard later changed her mind and accepted Advisa as a daughter of Robert II [Bouchard (2001), 26, 48, 112]. In so far as onomastics are a guide to the nearest royal ancestor, the name Robert was frequently given to descendants of Advisa (although it is notable too that she had a brother-in-law of this name), whereas Hugues does not occur in the family; while Hugues Capet had a daughter named Advisa (after his own mother Hedwig) who was married to a count of Hainaut and certainly not identical with the countess of Nevers. The latter Advisas son Robert the Burgundian was called nepos, meaning nephew or possibly cousin, of King Henri I in the notice of an exemption granted by him to the monks of Marmoutier [Robertus Burgundio, nepos Henrici regis, Piolin 3:655 (pièces justificatives #23, undated charter written 1042×1063, probably ca. 1051]. Stong reinforcement for reading nephew here is provided by the description of Advisas grandson Robert, bishop of Auxerre, as nepos through his father to Philippe Is father Henri I, rather than simply as a cousin to both kings which would be the case if Advisa had been Robert IIs sister and not his daughter [Robertus, de patre Guilelmo nepote regis Henrici, Philippi patris, consule Niuernensium, Gest. Auxerre 1:279, written 1086/96 by a personal acquaintance of the bishop this valuable evidence was noted by Sassier 34 but was overlooked by Jessee and Bouchard)]. Advisa last occurs in a charter of her eldest son on 4 March 1063 (quoted above). No evidence was cited by Kerrebrouck 58 to support his assertion that Advisa was married to Renaud of Nevers in 1006, at which time he and a daughter of Robert and Constance can only have been infants: the earliest documented indication that Renaud had married is dated June 1023 [S. Landrici comitis. S. Rainaldi, filii ejus, et uxoris ejus, Cart. Cluny 3:807 (#2781)].
King Henri I was probably born before 17 May 1008, the likeliest date of Roberts charter referring to his wife and sons [Robertus divina ordinante clementia Rex Francorum semper Augustus damus Deo ac S. Dionysio, quasdam res juris nostri, cum conjuge ac filiis nostris Dipl. Robert. 591 (#19, see Pfister lxxi and 70, see Newman 39 note 1). However, this inference has been disregarded, for instance by Vajay (1971) 242 note 8 and Bautier (1985) 546, on the ground that Constance had only one son with her at Theil in 1009×1010 [Factum est, dum quodam tempore Rotbertus rex Romam peteret [1009], ut Constantia regina una cum Hugone filio parvulo Tillo remaneret. Quod ut Berta regina, dudum causa consanguinitatis a rege repudiata, comperit, prosecuta est eum, sperans se, faventibus ad hoc quibusdam aulicis regis, jussu apostolico restituram toro regio. Unde Constantia regina, timens se amoveri a regio latere, inenarrabili detinebatur merore, Odorannus 100, written ca. 1032]. Bautier took the view that Constance would certainly have taken with her as well any other son who had been born by that time, suggesting that Henri was conceived on Roberts return from Rome since Odorannus added, ibid 102, propriis sedis restitutus deinceps propriam conjugem magis quam eatenus dilexit et sub ejus nutu omnia jura regalia et quæcumque possidere videbatur manere disposuit. However, this is drawing a long bow: a son aged two years or less might well have been left behind under any circumstances, while a conclusion relying on normal motherly behaviour from Constance is likely to be mistaken anyway. Henri might well have remained elsewhere with a nurse when the queen was busy insuring her own position by keeping the elder son and her husbands heir, Hugues, in her own close custody at Theil.
Robert I, duke of Burgundy, was the third son of his parents and cannot have been born in 1007 as stated by Kerrebrouck 553 the author had already placed the eldest sons birth in the same year, ibid. 58, and that of the second son in 1009×1010, ibid. 64. There is some likelihood that Robert was born ca. 1011, the fruit of his parents reconciliation ca. 1010 when Constance was given custody of the regalia as a mark of the kings greater regard following his journey to Rome seeking approval to reunite with his former wife Berta. During that time Constance had prayed at the tomb of St Savinien in Sens and subsequently showed her marked gratitude for a happy outcome of her troubles. When the saints body was shown years later it was carried by the king and their son Robert, who was for some reason especially involved in this particular act of devotion [Quem suscipiens una cum filio suo Roberto propriis scapulis, reposuit cum manibus suis illo ubi in presenti veneratur a fidelibus populis, Odorannus 10810]. The apparent absence of Henri on this occasion and Constances passionate favouritism towards her younger son would be harder to explain if Robert were not the one born after her prayers to St Savinien.
A legend gained currency in later centuries that Eudes, the youngest son, was actually the eldest and was passed over as heir due to mental incapacity [Hic [Robertus rex] habuit filios: Odo erat major: sed quia stultus erat, non fuit Rex, Brev. Chron. 225, written after 1137]. This was perhaps due to confusion with the story of a deformed son allegedly born to Robert and his second wife Berta. At any rate, Eudes was evidently capable of military action as he was the standard-bearer of a French force sent against the Normans in 1054 [Franci uicti terga dederunt Normannis cum signifero eorum Odone fratre uidelicet regis, GND vii, 10 (2:144)].
Doubtfully attributed children:
A son of Robert and his second wife is mentioned by St Peter Damiani, cardinal-bishop of Ostia, in a letter (quoted above) to Desiderius, abbot of Monte Cassino (later Pope Victor III) and his monks. This child was reportedly born with a goose-like head and neck, which might have been meant to describe a congenital condition such as microcephaly. However, other sources which would be expected to relate such a visitation of divine justice upon an incestuous union say nothing about this and Damianis account has usually been considered a myth, for instance by Dhondt (19645) 46. If a birth did take place during Roberts intermittent cohabitation with Berta of Burgundy the child probably died at or soon after birth. A son might have been born in Italy if she accompanied him there in 1009×1010, after at least two of the four sons by his third wife were born confusion over this could perhaps have given rise to the legend that Eudes, youngest of the four, was excluded as a simpleton from inheriting the throne. In any event, the fact that this could be related as fact by Damiani, who presumably considered it believable to Desiderius of Montecassino, a very well-informed abbot, suggests that the account should not be passed over in silence as by some recent historians of the Capetian family, e.g. Lewis and Kerrebrouck. The desertion of Robert by his household related by Damiani is not entirely implausible: the personal arrangements of wayfaring kings could be quite chaotic, as witness Hincmars description of Lothair the Saxons visit to Rome for a similar purpose [Lotharius ad ecclesiam sancti Petri venit, ubi nullum clericum obvium habuit...indeque solarium secus ecclesiam beati Petri mansionem habiturus intravit; quen nec etiam scopa mundatum invenit, Ann. Bert. 482 (s.a. 869)].
The relationship between Robert and Constance, wife of Manassès, count of Dammartin, is conjectural. This was proposed by Joseph Depoin in 1912, Cart. S.-Martin 1:15 note 10, largely on the ground of onomastics; the case was put forward again more circumspectly by Jean-Noël Mathieu in 1996. However, it is highly dubious for several reasons. The name Constance is stated to have been uncommon at this time in northern France, and its presumed introduction to the Dammartin family was followed in the next generation by the names Eudes and Hugues occurring also in the Robertian/Capetian lineage. Mathieu 15 note 4 and 1617 considered that Dammartin was probably given to Manassès by Robert along with his daughter in 1023, but this line of argument is rendered circular with the suggestion that Robert might have contracted the union of his daughter with the younger son of a minor supporter in order to take advantage of Dammartins strategic location on the route from Paris to Soissons and Laon, so that the king gave away Dammartin with the bride and yet gave the bride to obtain Dammartin. Even allowing for shades of grey in the circumstances, it is hard to see why the gift of an important lordship, elevated to comital rank, would not have achieved a consolidation of alliances on its own without the addition of a daughter who might have been more profitably bestowed upon someone of higher rank and pre-existing power. Since Constance of Arles had been Roberts wife for twenty years in 1023, it is also hard to see why her name could not have been adopted before then in unrelated families wishing to compliment the queen by asking her to be a girls god-mother. In any case the quality of constancy was admired without reference to her, and the name was apt enough to be used independently of royal favour, as for that matter were Eudes and Hugues which had both become widespread by the late-10th century. The name Constance was certainly not unexampled in prior and contemporary generations well to the north of the queens original home in Provence, for instance a Constance wife of Eudes occurs in the Mâconnais ca. 980 [Domino fratribus Odono et uxor sua Costancia [sic], Cart. Cluny 2:592 (#1543)]. Instances of this name during Roberts reign appear in charters at Bourges, Ainay and Poitiers, see Morlet 2:36, while the masculine form Constantius remained a popular name in Poitou throughout four centuries around the year 1000, see Beech 89. Onomastics are by no means compelling for a royal connection of the countess of Dammartin. The only further evidences adduced by Mathieu are a single charter given by Count Manassès in the presence of the king, the queen and their sons in 1031, and the fact that his successor and presumed descendant Renard was described as consanguineus to King Philippe II. However, Mathieu admitted that the latter can be explained by different hypotheses, while as to the former any count might be expected to have attended the king and there is no indication of a family relationship in the cited example. Mathieu also remarked that, according to Glaber, Robert and Constance had two daughters, who are both accounted for without the countess of Dammartin: by means of a forced ingenuity, Mathieu added that Glaber did not specify there were only two daughters. At best the case is far from proven.
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Ann. Nevers = Annales Nivernenses, edited by Georg Waitz, MGH SS 13:8891
Ann. S.-Bénigne = Annales Sancti Benigni Divionensis, edited by Georg Waitz, MGH SS 5:3750
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Cart. Marmoutier (Blois) = Marmoutier, cartulaire Blésois, edited by Charles Métais (Blois, 1889-91)
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Cart. Messines = Codex diplomaticus, edited by ILA Diegerick, Inventaire analytique et chronologique des chartes et documents appartenant aux archives de lancienne abbaye de Messines (Bruges, 1876)
Cart. N.-D. de Chartres = Cartulaire de Notre-Dame de Chartres, 3 vols, edited by Eugène de Lépinois & Lucien Merlet (Chartres, 18625)
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Cart. S.-Martin = Recueil de chartes et documents de Saint-Martin-des-Champs, monastère parisien, edited by Joseph Depoin, 5 vols., Archives de la France Monastique 13, 16, 18, 20 & 21 (Paris, 191221)
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Cart. Ste.-Croix dOrléans = Cartulaire de Sainte-Croix dOrléans (8141300), edited by Joseph Thillier & Eugène Jarry, Mémoires de la Société archéologique et historique de lOrléanais 30 (Orléans, 1906)
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Hildeb. Vit. Hug. = Hildebert, archbishop of Tours, Vita sancti Hugonis abbatis Cluniacensis, PL 159:columns 85794
Hist. Franc. Fragm. = Historiae Franciae fragmentum (excerpt), RHF 11:1602
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Hist. Nevers = Brève histoire des premiers comtes de Nevers, Mon. Vizel. 2359 (also known as Origo et historia brevis Nivernsium comitum)
Hist. Reg. Franc. = Historia regum Francorum monasterii Sancti Dionysii, edited by Georg Waitz, MGH SS 9:395406 (also known as Abbreviatio gestorum regum Francorum)
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Hug. Flav. Chron. = Hugues, abbot of Flavigny, Chronicon, edited by Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH SS 8:288502
Hug. Fleury Act. = Hugues de Fleury, Modernorum regum Francorum actus, MGH SS 9: 37695
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MGH SS = Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores series
Mirac. Bened. = Les miracles de Saint Benoît, edited by Eugène de Certain (Paris, 1858). Citation is by book and chapter, with the page number in parentheses
Mirac. Genulf. = Miracula Sancti Genulfi (excerpt), edited by Oswald Holder-Egger, MGH SS 15.2:120413
Mon. Vizel. = Monumenta Vizeliacensia: textes relatifs à lhistoire de labbaye de Vézelay, edited by Robert Huygens, Corpus Chrisitanorum, Continuatio Mediaeualis 42 (Turnhout, 1976)
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Obit. Molême = Obituaire de Molême, Petit 5:38495
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Obit. S.-Denis = Obituaire du XIIIe siècle, labbaye de Saint-Denis, Obit. Sens 1.1:306334
Obit. S.-Germain = Obituaire du IXe siècle, labbaye de Saint-Germain des Prés, Obit. Sens 1.1: 246280
Obit. S.-Père de Chartres = Obituaire, abbaye de Saint-Père-en-Vallée, Obit. Sens 2:179199
Obit. Sens = Obituaires de la Province de Sens, Recueil des Historiens de la France, Obituaires, 4 vols. in 5 (Paris, 1902-23)
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RHF = Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, edited by Martin Bouquet & others, revised by Léopold Delisle, 24 vols. (Paris, 18691904)
Richer = Richer, Historiae, edited by Hartmut Hoffmann, MGH SS 38 (Hanover, 2000)
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Vit. Garner. = Vita domni Garnerii (excerpt), RHF 10:382
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Compiled by Peter Stewart
First uploaded 29 May 2012.